Biro Ibadah Umroh November 2015 di Jakarta Utara Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Biro Ibadah Umroh November 2015 di Jakarta Utara Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA. Biro Ibadah Umroh November 2015 di Jakarta Utara

Saco-Indonesia.com - Masalah transfer pricing atau transaksi barang dan jasa antara beberapa divisi pada suatu kelompok usaha dengan harga yang tidak wajar, baik menaikkan (mark up) atau menurunkan harga (mark down), masih menjadi persoalan utama dalam sistem perpajakan. Transfer pricing diidentikkan dengan upaya perusahaan mengakali pembayaran pajak.

Kondisi ini juga dirasakan kantor pajak di daerah, termasuk Kantor Wilayah Pajak Banten. Kepala Kanwil DJP Banten, Muhammad Haniv mengeluhkan praktik transfer pricing yang masih besar di wilayahnya. Kebanyakan dilakukan oleh perusahaan asing. Ini terjadi karena tidak ada regulasi tegas dan jelas untuk mengatasi transfer pricing.

"Hampir semua perusahaan PMA atau asing melakukan transfer pricing, kita ada masalah pabrik sepatu, rata-rata melakukan transfer pricing. Hanya untuk mengatasi transfer pricing itu kita belum cukup tool," ujar Muhammad Haniv di kantornya, Banten, Selasa (18/3).

Dia menyebutkan, rata-rata perusahaan asing memiliki kantor pusat di Cayman Island. Padahal, perusahaan tersebut fiktif dan hanya dijalankan melalui internet.

"Padahal tidak ada perusahaannya, hanya pula kosong. Nanti dicek, tidak ada. Kita harus bisa membuktikan dulu, jangan sembarang. Pertama alat, kedua orang, ketiga aturan. Kita belum punya peraturan yang baku," tegasnya.

Menurutnya, praktik transfer pricing bersifat komplikasi melibatkan pengetahuan tentang harga internasional. Sedangkan, di Indonesia tidak ada patokan untuk memastikan harga suatu barang yang dihasilkan pabrikan.

"Kita tidak punya agen luar negeri. Kedua, kerja sama pertukaran informasi dengan luar negeri belum intens. Kalau sudah, kita dapatkan perusahaan manapun yang Transfer pricing bisa kita atasi," katanya.

Dia mencontohkan ada beberapa investor asing yang masuk ke Banten dengan nilai investasi besar. Suami Cut Yanti ini menyebutkan, besaran investasi berkisar Rp 30 triliun hingga Rp 50 triliun. Hanya saja nilai investasi menjadi berkurang, sesuai dengan skema investment allowance.

Skema ini merupakan pengurangan penghasilan kena pajak berdasarkan persentase tertentu dari investasi baru atau bisa disebut penyusutan. Dia menyebutkan, di Banten yang paling besar nilai investasinya adalah PT. Krakatau Posko yang mencapai Rp 33 triliun.

"Investment allowance kan 10 persen dari nilai investasinya, misalnya Rp 30 triliun jadi investment allowance 1 tahun Rp 3 triliun yang mengurangi keuntungan dia," katanya.

Persoalan lain yang dihadapi Kanwil DJP Banten adalah pajak bahan baku impor. Haniv mengaku, mayoritas bahan baku di pabrikan baja selalu didatangkan dari impor. Namun, Kanwil DJP Banten belum memiliki alat untuk mengukur pajak bahan baku impor yang masuk melalui Banten.

"Jadinya besar akhirnya rugi terus. Belum lagi transfer pricing yang didapat dari harga bahan baku dipatok terlalu tinggi, harga jual barang jadi terlalu rendah. Jadi dua kita rugi di sini," jelasnya.

Sumber : merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Hampir semua perusahaan asing akali bayar pajak

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

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